Mini-Me has almost no spoken dialogue in the films beyond an occasional frightened "Eeeee!". Otherwise, he is silent except for when he does his evil laugh with Dr. Evil. He also likes to lip sync the occasional line when Dr. Evil raps. At the beginning of Goldmember, Dr. Evil asks him to "Use your words like a big boy clone!". At one point, he asks Dr. Evil to hug him after meeting Fat Bastard, who wants to eat him. Mini-Me often uses the middle finger as a means of insulting someone (even though he only uses it once during the third movie). On most other occasions, Mini-Me prefers to express himself through written notes.
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When a blind lawyer imbued with supernatural powers of sight, strength and speed finds Hell's Kitchen being taken over by the tyrannical Wilson Fisk, he embarks on an epic battle to reclaim his city. From Daredevil to Elektra, Punisher and Kingpin, Daredevil is filled with incredible superheroes and villains.
After being struck by lightning, Barry Allen becomes The Flash. With his newfound superspeed, this young hero is the fastest crime fighter in Central City. But the Flash isn't the only one with superpowers, and he soon must face the villains who use their powers for evil.
If these self-evident truths are kept before us, and only if they are so kept before us, we shall have a clear idea of what our foreign policy in its larger aspects should be. It is our duty to remember that a nation has no more right to do injustice to another nation, strong or weak, than an individual has to do injustice to another individual; that the same moral law applies in one case as in the other. But we must also remember that it is as much the duty of the Nation to guard its own rights and its own interests as it is the duty of the individual so to do. Within the Nation the individual has now delegated this right to the State, that is, to the representative of all the individuals, and it is a maxim of the law that for every wrong there is a remedy. But in international law we have not advanced by any means as far as we have advanced in municipal law. There is as yet no judicial way of enforcing a right in international law. When one nation wrongs another or wrongs many others, there is no tribunal before which the wrongdoer can be brought. Either it is necessary supinely to acquiesce in the wrong, and thus put a premium upon brutality and aggression, or else it is necessary for the aggrieved nation valiantly to stand up for its rights. Until some method is devised by which there shall be a degree of international control over offending nations, it would be a wicked thing for the most civilized powers, for those with most sense of international obligations and with keenest and most generous appreciation of the difference between right and wrong, to disarm. If the great civilized nations of the present day should completely disarm, the result would mean an immediate recrudescence of barbarism in one form or another. Under any circumstances a sufficient armament would have to be kept up to serve the purposes of international police; and until international cohesion and the sense of international duties and rights are far more advanced than at present, a nation desirous both of securing respect for itself and of doing good to others must have a force adequate for the work which it feels is allotted to it as its part of the general world duty. Therefore it follows that a self-respecting, just, and far-seeing nation should on the one hand endeavor by every means to aid in the development of the various movements which tend to provide substitutes for war, which tend to render nations in their actions toward one another, and indeed toward their own peoples, more responsive to the general sentiment of humane and civilized mankind; and on the other hand that it should keep prepared, while scrupulously avoiding wrongdoing itself, to repel any wrong, and in exceptional cases to take action which in a more advanced stage of international relations would come under the head of the exercise of the international police. A great free people owes it to itself and to all mankind not to sink into helplessness before the powers of evil.
In recent years, some scholars of international politics have argued for the need to integrate the use of visual media into our understanding of global politics. In this respect, film (or movies) represents an effective media of communicating powerful ideas and political worldviews through a smorgasbord of sound and sensory experiences. This essay seeks to draw on the theoretical insights of scholars of visual international politics to analyze the ongoing geopolitical conflict between the United States and China. It will do so by examining two box-office hits in the West and China, namely, the Avengers and Wolf Warrior. Through a study of some of the key storylines in these films, this essay seeks to flesh out the differences in Sino-Western conceptions of patriotism, good and evil, and salvation. It argues that these differences are not just a matter of aesthetic preferences, but reflect more fundamental ideas and political worldviews salient in the thinking of China and the West.
The remaining of this paper will be as follows. First, I will provide a brief introduction of the literature linking visuality to international politics and how they provide us with interesting ways of picturing, indeed visualizing, the practice of international relations and more importantly, the meanings behind those practices. Next, I go on to examine both films using a comparative approach focusing on how the themes of patriotism, good and evil, and salvation are being constructed and consequently visualized. Finally, I conclude with some reflections on how such an analysis can provide scholars of international relations (especially scholars of Sino-American politics) to critically examine our own assumptions concerning self-other identities and the extent to which films can provide us with new ways to reframe our understanding of great powers relations and a more realistic appraisal of geopolitical rivalry.
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